What was the bracero program yahoo

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He was the last original member. Close this content. He teaches classes in American history and Latin American history, as well as seminars in imperialism and revolutionary movements. James has received a number of research grants, including a Gilder Lehrman Fellowship in American History.

She directs and conducts the oral history collection, field interview strategies, post-interview processing methods and preservation techniques consistent with the professional principles, standards, and guidelines of the field. Her research interest include Latino history, Immigration, African American women in the southwest and braceros. In conjunction with its partners, the Institute of Oral History launched the Bracero Oral History Project, to conduct oral history interviews with individuals that participated in the Bracero Program.

Navarro has overseen the development of the single largest bracero related archive in the country. To date they have collected more than interviews as well as photographs and historical material documenting the history of the Bracero Program.

His current project entitled The California South: Race, Labor and Justice on the California Border, explores the formation of agricultural empires in the California desert and the exploitation of natural resources and Mexican labor that made it possible. His areas of research and interest include the culture of work, immigration, industrial history, and work imagery. Wesley Johnson Prize.

Velasquez started as an intern in the National Museum of Natural History in Operation Wetback, the story goes, was the single largest deportation campaign in U.

As president, Trump has begun to make good on his pledge by issuing two executive orders that promise to ramp up deportations and expand fencing along the U.

But mass deportation never happened during Operation Wetback of And border enforcement did not follow. A History of the U. Operation Wetback is often cited as a moment when mass deportation and border enforcement reduced the size of the undocumented population living in the United States and ended unlawful entry at the U.

They did not. It is time to put this false history to bed. In , the U. In the U. In Mexico, political leaders wanted Mexican workers to go to the United States, learn modern farming techniques and bring that knowledge home. But many agricultural employers rebelled against the program.

They preferred the unregulated labor practices they had used for decades to squeeze profits from Mexican workers marginalized by their undocumented status. The Bracero Program, among other things, guaranteed Mexican contract workers a minimum wage and sanitary housing. In South Texas, in particular, farmers and ranchers not only refused to use the Bracero Program but took up arms against the U.

Border Patrol when they came to apprehend their workers. Operation Wetback of was a campaign to crush the South Texas uprising and force their compliance with the Bracero Program. However, Mexican workers paid the greatest price. Carter, the head of the U. Border Patrol in the southwestern United States, concocted a plan to use the U. Eisenhower considered it but nixed the idea since the Posse Comitatus Act largely prohibits the use of the military for domestic law enforcement. Mexicans who were recently deported from the U.

S are seen by the Tijuana river, in Tijuana, Mexico, February Carter was a convicted murderer. Carter had been upset that Casiano and his friends had been hanging out in front of the Carter home. A jury convicted Carter of the killing, but the conviction was later overturned on a procedural technicality. Several years later, Carter joined the U.

Border Patrol. Unlike PRI presidencies that had ignored the bracero problem between and , both governments of the PAN confronted and sought to resolve this conflict. It operates through a technocratic institutional communication device responsible for the implementation of the social program.

This institutional operation basically consisted in 1 the definition of operating rules designed practically behind the backs of the braceros and their civil organizations; 2 an extremely punctilious application of its content; 3 encourage sudden changes 10 in its implementation.

However, the Social Support Fund produced counterproductive effects, despite the desire to inform, communicate and transparent the process of attention to the public bracero. This provoked diverse reactions and the production of a battle of figures between researchers, public servants and representatives of civil associations of ex- braceros around the hard data of the Bracero Program real number of ex-braceros, the real end of the Bracero Program or , real amount of money deposited in the savings and interest fund generated.

In addition, the conception of the social program for ex- braceros does not really solve the problem of the payment of the savings fund, but replaces it. For the authorities, when the braceros receive the social support of 38, pesos, they give up their rights to recover the money from this fund. Ignorance also corresponds to a communicational distance that emphasizes the existence of two language games.

One is that of the administration and the other is that of the braceros themselves. In addition, this distance acquires a moral dimension since the requesting ex-bracero is not a victim of the administration while not demonstrating the normative basis of his condition of vulnerability, which corresponds to criteria established by the Ministry of the Interior.

And last, but not least, the applicant seeks to scam public institutions and, therefore, it is necessary to exercise a constant suspicion and control over him. There is another important element that influences and has to do with the fact that the administration in charge of the bracero file has a staff poorly or poorly prepared to handle the bracero case. They do not know the history of the Bracero Program, its social and political consequences and the situation in which braceros and their families live.

They also do not know the whole process and the different stages that the execution of the social program for ex-braceros contemplates. Their work is atomized and consists of the execution of a single task. They do not even know what the tasks of their other colleagues are.

This situation tends to demotivate the public servant and turn his work into a tedious burden for him. Thus, in the eyes of many public servants, the bracero file tends to be perfectly interchangeable with another subject such as education, health, family, work, taxes, culture, sports, recreation, etc. Their position is reduced to an appointment. In this sense, the bracero movement exemplifies how public institutions in Mexico, its services and its personnel operate.

All of the above encourages and produces a kind of social ignorance for both public servants in relation to the specificity of their function, i. Hence the ethnomethodological importance of analyzing the integration of the ex-braceros files when polling stations were installed, twice and , at the national level. For this, it is vital to interview and obtain the testimony of the officials who served the requesting public, as well as the testimony of the ex-braceros about how they were treated and how was their procedure.

According to the above, it is important to emphasize that the production of ignorance through administrative malfunction is not the result of an isolated conscience or the product of the conspiracy of political opponents.

This situation is not the execution of an evil plan, but rather qualifies how social programs work in Mexico and other countries. They are characterized by creating inadequate communication —with moments of clarity and others of confusion—, as well as producing a selection among the theoretical applicants all those who have the right to support.

All this to generate solidarity with those chosen by the program —through its operating rules and requirements 13 —, while excluding those who have been rejected for not complying with the requirements.

It means that for the administration the rejected ones do not exist, they are not or they have not been braceros. This situation is another effect of bureaucratic ignorance confusion or overlap between executive, judicial and legislative power as if justice, law and morals were the exclusive property of the public administration and not a good of the citizens. Likewise, the production of ignorance is not the exclusive prerogative of the State and its institutions, but rather it happens with a certain frequency in the world of ex- braceros.

Profit is the main motivation of its production. Previous investigations Schaffhauser, and reflect the multiplicity in situations of abuse of weakness to the detriment of the braceros and their families, where dishonest people try to take advantage of their helplessness.

The cases are diverse: pseudo-leaders of fictitious associations that charge for their services and retain documents for registration procedures and demand money to return them; deceitful lawyers; relatives who kept the money from the social support that belonged to their ex-braceros grandfathers; postmen who demand a percentage to help collect the check for this support in telegraph and telecommunication offices, among other cases.

These situations only explain that some associations of ex-braceros such as Braceroproa or ex-braceros in Lucha A. These two research hints consist in the construction of a bridge between migrations and its effects , public policies and agnotology. The first has to do with a problem of silence, lack of information and generalized neglect, while the second one is a communication distance between public servant and user, lack of preparation of the administration specifically through its officials and confusion that generates partial, contradictory and out-of-date information.

It is also a problem that journalism also incurs in general television, radio, press and internet for not adequately covering the subject. We will start from a conceptual distinction between ignorance or agnotology by omission and agnotology by confusion.

The first is socially and politically more traditional than the second. It has been an engine of governance in the past, since the ignorance of the public was conceived through the non-communication of important information for them.

It is similar to a censorship process. The second corresponds to modern times where communication is not only massive, but also global, which complicates the previous method of censorship. Therefore, modern agnotology relies on excessive information and difficulty for the subject to process it, to compare it, to verify the source and to evaluate the methodology with which that information was produced.

It confuses the public, which never knows if the arguments come from reliable data. In addition, it is necessary to mention that the implementation of public policies to attend, regulate or fight against the migratory phenomenon this is, from its origins and causes, its actuality, its multiple forms or the wide effects it produces in the culture often resides in a dualism that consists of generalizing an intervention of the State, extending a public will and paradoxically building its limits, through the concept of national borders.

In other words, on the one hand the public will directs its efforts and on the other the effects produced by it dissipate. It also establishes a moral boundary between both through a series of requirements between beneficiaries and those that are not. This implies that any public policy requires compliance with the requirements to be part of its universe of action.

Thus, public policies build solidarity with their beneficiaries, a kind of dialogue and interactions between them and the authorities, but they also mean discrimination and exile for everyone else. In the end, these served as an identity filter; that is, an institutional representation of those who are ex- braceros and those who are not from the bureaucratic point of view.

Contrary to the innocence that defines the word solidarity as an expression of benevolence and altruism, solidarity as a public problem and as public policy often presents two faces. One accepts and another rejects the applicants. Therefore, it is not an exaggeration to say that all public policies build mechanisms of solidarity and exclusion.

It also reinvents, each time its mission is fulfilled, a community of beneficiaries and the national community itself.

From the administrative point of view, consider that there are authentic braceros and other apocryphal is a sample of agnotology that characterizes the relations between public bracero and State, since the conflict began.

It is a unilateral relationship, because there is no, in contrast to the above, a State and institutions that are legitimate or illegitimate. However, the bracero public wants that, through their movement, the institutions act as such; that is, as responsible public services committed to any citizen.

This research creates an opportunity for the study of the bracero movement. Its novelty lies in the agnotological turn that is infused into its problematic. What is the role of ignorance of the public and public servants in the design and implementation of social programs derived from public policies?

The above means that although the investigation requires new explorations and inquiries to expand the accumulated data, it also implies to keep in mind that this empirical collection needs to be analyzed in another way. In this sense, agnotology is just a perspective to problematize, on other epistemological bases, the articulation between the Bracero Program and the social movement in general.

In addition, it places the interest for this type of study in a critical, citizen, democratic, and, in the words of Habermas , emancipatory horizon. What is the relationship between social rights and ignorance, and what this relationship tells us about the type of citizenship that exists and that we want to have in Mexico or elsewhere?

Therefore, this research holds a moral implication that consists in problematizing ignorance as an opposite element, an obstacle, in the relationship between the State, its institutions and the publics of society. The right to know, to be informed about their rights and how to exercise them is a citizen imperative in which sociologists must contribute through our investigations.

Then, we advocate increasing the level of emancipation, reflection and autonomy of the different public citizens. The ex-braceros belong to one of these publics.

They are in a situation of vulnerability because they are older adults, live in the countryside and share the problems that affect life in rural areas. They are also former migrants, that is, a floating category that lacks social and political status the right to be a migrant. Now, the main problem that the agnotological perspective could pose is to generate a kind of suspicion and to attribute to agents responsibilities in situations of abuse of weakness, even if they did not act with malice or profit, but by complete ignorance.

I argue that it is necessary to delimit this responsibility and distinguish between those who use ignorance in their favor and those who act out of ignorance and multiply it.